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IirUBUCOFTIIEFUTURii 




WEIGHT OF PUBLIC OPINION 



PRIVATE O'HAGERTY 



\ w York : 
B BROWN, PK I N l 

NOS. 49 AND 5 I PAKk Pl.ACe 
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Dr. Adam Smith Bays: "The machines that are first 
invented to perform any particular movement are always the 
most complex, and succeeding artists generally discoverthat 
with fewer who. -is. with fewer principles of motion than had 
originally been employed, the same effects may be produced." 
Under ordinary circumstances, an artist would be about 
the last man to offer suggestions in politics, but when the 
great Leaders, bo called, appear to be moving to the rear 
instead of to the front.it is time for the privates to give them 
a bint— when one •■loader" says : "I have the means to be 
elected and I shall be," and another would-be leader says: 
■•all my constituents want me to vote so and so but I won't" 
— then matters are becoming serious. 

Again, when we find that the groat leaders in politics, have 
always depended on others for their ideas, while they did the 
talking— for we. are all specialists— it is necessary that some- 
body should step forward; and if we regard the government 
machine, which may be remodeled and simplified like 
any other machine, the work comes within the specialty of 
the designer, rather than the politician. I therefore propose 
to give the -Id ship-of-state such linos, that if she runs into 
an iceberg— it will be so much the worse for the iceberg. 

In regarding the design of the government from the 
artistic standpoint, wo find but little originality or boldness. 
In fact it is a very faithful copy of the king's own design, 
as invented for the king's own benefit, with but slight modi- 
fications. For the king we have a president, who is "too 
utterly too" meat to be elected directly by the people. And 
fo.rtho house of lords we have the senators, who are also 
•it to be eh -,-trl directly by the people— too many 
wheels. 

The fathers advanced as far as public opinion would 
permit at that time, nor would there 1„ ; any necessity for much 
change now,- but that the servants of Uncle Samuel ha 
ap to be tie- masters. And what usually follows this reversal 
of the ordei of nature in the household is now making itself 
manifest in the nation. 



Now, in my own experience, I have found out at consider- 
able cost, in time and expense, that a slight modification in 
any plan is liable to upset the whole combination, and that to 
secure complete success, you must, as Sherman said to Grant : 
" Strike out boldly with your left ; '' yes, and with your right, 
and in fact in every direction, asking not, if this were done so 
before, or if that were done so before, but submitting the 
question to the test of reason, enlightened by experience. 

In the plan which 1 now submit, however, I can claim 
neither originality nor boldness. I find a system ready made, 
and working successfully every day, in every part of the 
world — the business system — and I propose to adapt it to the 
operations of the government. 

This system always recognizes the fact that the master is 
master and the servant is servant. The master may admit 
the superior ability of the servant, but that does not alter the 
relation between them — the one to order and the other to 
obey. Let us first see how a private firm would succeed, if a 
number of its employees, engaged in duties somewhat similar 
to the duties of the peoples' representatives, were to act like 
some of these representatives. Suppose 

SMITH, BROWN & JONES, 

DKY GOODS, 

Represented by 
Mr. Wheedle, 
— and the rest, were to send Mr. Wheedle, and the rest, " on 
the road " to sell their goods ; but instead of doing that, a 
majority of them were bribed to sell the goods of other parties, 
and still further, that when their proper employers discovered 
this, they could not discharge them instantly, but were com- 
pelled to keep them in their pay for a year or two longer. 
Under these conditions, how long could this firm last ? In the 
case of the peoples' servants, they further offend by naming 
those of their own crowd whom their employers must employ ! 
How long could the Republic — a good sized firm — last ? No ; 
in order to succeed in business the firm must decide what 
their " representees " must do, and when, and how, and have 
the right to discharge them at any time. 

It must be the same with the people — they, themselves, 
must decide what they want done, and their representatives 
must do exactly as they are told or — " go." 



Thus we commence to build up our idea, which, like a 
house or other structure, may look rather chaotic to the 
spectator at first. l>ut gradually it rises and takes shape, and 
sign, when finished, is seen at a glance. 

I will sketch the genera] plan roughly and till in the 
details afterwards. 

A- the firm must have an other or other place to meel and 
talk over and decide on their plans — for a firm that does not 
superintend its own business, fails — so. also the people, the 
master, the ruler in my plan, must also have offices, or places 
convenient to their homes where they can meet and decide on 
the instructions for their servants, and on the laws they want 
passed, for it is by the majorities in these public halls that 
the laws required are determined on ; the servants in nation 
or state attending to the details only. In cities, these public 
halls should he close enough together SO as to be within six 

9 .n blocks of any citizen's residence; being built in 
proportion to the density of the population. Thus, during 
the fall and winter, when the legislators of nation, state, and 
city are in session, the people would also be in session, 
during the eveni 

The continuous superintendence of the people is a cardi- 
nal principal, as all experience proves that when the indi- 
vidual or the firm, left their affairs to be managed by their 
ts. they failed. 

The idea of the town-hall was in operation in some of the 
- at first, but. I think, it was made a labor to avoid, 
rather than a labor to delight in, which we will try to make it; 
or else the people were too intent on making money to think 
of anything else, — as now — but they were " penny wise and 
pound foolish," for while they were laboriously adding dollar 
to dollar, they allowed a combination to grow up, which scoops 
it all up at once in a perfectly legal and safe manner. Mr. 
Frank Pixleysays : " In tliis country the politician is becoming 
a distinctive and prominent factor. He serves corporations and 
makes himself the servant of wealth. He negotiates the 
ballots of the indifferent and the irresponsible, manipulates 
conventions and the machinery of politics, and helps to main- 
tain the government in tie- interest of capital. His reward is 
the privilege of robbing the middle class." 

And Mr. Herbert Spencer Bays: "Within the form of 



your Constitution there lias grown up this organization of 
professional politicians, altogether uncontemplated at the 
outset, which has become in large measure the ruling power." 

It is unnecessary that more than one-fifth of the citizens 
should attend these meetings at one time. Of course, in 
country places, where all now congregate at the " store " 
during the winter evenings, there would generally be a full 
attendance. So there would be in the cities, where a clean 
and comfortable place to spend the evening would be a bless- 
ing to thousands of our young citizens, as I know from 
experience. 

It would be severe on the gin palaces, besides the educa- 
tional effects, which Mr. Beecher says, " is one of the best 
points in Trades Union gatherings," while the responsibility 
of deciding by his vote or voice every question of the day 
will make the citizen keep posted, and induce the feeling 
which should animate all — " the State, it is I." In this way, 
" that more powerful type of man than has yet existed " — 
which Mr. Herbert Spencer predicts for this country, may be 
" evolved." 

As to the cost and maintenance of these halls, I shall 
notice that later. At first, however, these meetings could be 
held in public and private halls, Sunday-schools, etc. 

I shall proceed, as the idea developed itself in my mind, 
at intervals of a step at a time, and use the ' language of my 
own thought. " Suppose any of the politicians should refuse 
to do as they are told ; it might look unjust to ask them to 
resign. The people won't do anything, in their official capacity, 
that even looks like injustice. These men have spent money — 
no matter whose money — and time to get elected ; other em- 
ployees in private business get their positions without expense 
beforehand." " Then the people will elect their own candidates 
in their own halls, during the evenings, and it won't cost either 
people or candidates one cent." " But the partisans of the 
different candidates would spoil the entire plan, for neighbors 
could not meet peaceably to elect them." " Then we will have 
no partisans. 'It was partisan rule,' Dr. Newman says, 'that 
destroyed Jerusalem.' 'Partisan rule' will not destroy 
America." 

Here is where the king's design and my own part company. 
In his design the king is everything and the people nothing ; 



iii my plan the people are everything and the king is nothing. 
And in selecting candidates for all elective offices we do it 
on a most horribly democratic and business-like method — 
..n the method that a master mechanic, say. conducts bis 
business — he employs a number of men whom he knows 
t.> be competent workmen, and when a customer wants 
a job of w.uk done, he sends the first of these men 
that comes to the shop. Or, as in the "store," a 
ler i> wait.nl on by any salesman who by chance may 
be disengaged — all are competent This is the plan then. 
This is the way we will destroy partisanship, instead of allow- 
ing partisanship to destroy us ami rob our children of their 
birthright Of course, my plan assumes thai the people air 
able to take care of their own affairs ; if they are not, then I 
submit. 

Assuming now. that there were twenty of these public 
halls in a congressional district ; all candidates for elective 
office, from President down, must start from and he indorsed 
by a majority of the halls within the district where he 
resides, before he could advance another step. Xo district 
except his own can accept his name as a candidate, and if he 
• upon " by his own district — by the people who know 
him best — that is the last of him for that time, at least. After 
being indorsed by his neighbors, then all depends on chance, 
as he will be only one of many. 

Naturally, citizens will not indorse candidates who have 
taken no interest in their meeting, or not attended at all. 
And lure is where we secure the more capable ones and make 
them attend to their duties — uo compulsion with us. By 
capable ones I mean those who are naturally best adapted 
for representative positions by reason of their superior lin- 
gual capacity, which may be deficient in many of their fellow- 
citizen-,, although these be equally capable of deciding on the 
merits of any question. 

To avoid the possibility of partisanship, no candidate's 
name shall be proposed, supported, or indorsed, by the voice 
of any citizen : so that no man can curry favor with another 
in the discharge of his political duties. 

The names of candidates for indorsement — always the 
firststep— must be sent to the halls by letter, without the 
signature of tie- writer, even. Thus the candidate himself, or 



" his sisters and his cousins and his aunts " may offer his 
name for any position. 

Suppose, now, that a secretary of state — for we will elect 
them all — were being elected, and thai from ten to twenty 
candidates were sent in to each hall in each district — " I 
must think that we have lots of men capable of filling that 
position ?" — -Your'e' right; I do. 

The people would then decide by secret vote how manv of 
these candidates were fitted for that position. Those that 
were weighed and not found wanting then got a chance to 
become secretary of state, but neither money nor wire pull- 
ing can avail any of them, as I will explain further on ; but 
those who were weighed and found wanting, were absolutely 
squashed, for no district can indorse a candidate outside of 
its own territory, otherwise it might give some candidates 
several chances to one for the other, and so on till we came 
back again to partisanship. 

To secure the secret vote in regard to candidates, or where 
public opinion is very evenly divided, I propose a simple plan, 
which avoids expense, and insures accuracy, with 
expedition, secrecy, and publicity. It is not a highly 
artistic affair, but it will do until something more 
simple and elegant can be devised by the great 
American inventor, to whom the world owes, so much. The 
voting will be done with balls, about the size of marbles, say, 
one a little larger than the other, but both of the same 
weight, being made of different metals. "When it is desired 
to vote with them they will be distributed by two sets of 
boys or girls to the citizens, who remain in their seats ; each 
set of boys or girls will distribute one size. When all the 
citizens are supplied in this way the voting commences. One 
set of boys or girls collects the ball that each citizen votes in 
a bag, so that the citizen can put his hand in at top of the 
bag and conceal the size of ball he votes — both sizes going 
into one bag. The balls voted, being thus collected, are 
poured into the wire hopper shown in the engraving. This 
separates the two sizes automatically, the smaller falling 
through the false wire bottom, while the larger ones are 
retained there until it is seen that the two sizes are com- 
pletely separated. For this purpose the hopper is hung on a 
pivot and is tilted once or twice until it is seen that the 



object is accomplished. Then the stops in the spouts are 
withdrawn and the balls run into the scales right before the 
ej( a of everyone. Thus we get the weight of public opinion, 
Literally and quickly expressed, without fear of manipulation 
or blunders. 



WEIGHTOF PUBLIC OPINION 



The people being assembled in their halls, we will proceed 
to employ the accessary "help" for the transaction of public 
business, in which we will save the president and other " head- 
centres " the trouble of making any appointments whatever, 
; their own private secretaries. Civil service reform 
and every proper reform will be carried to their legitimate 
limits, but cabinets we will elect ourselves. 

With us. the king is part of our " help," that is all. If he 
does not like that, he can go. 

The Sun says: "The republican party must go." So it 
must, and the democratic party "must go," and all the parties 
and partisans " must go." We want no " rulers " — no "bosses." 
The people themselves will be the "ruling power" hereafter. 
To continue : After a little music— the food of the gods — 
business commences. One of those from whom candidates 
for office will naturally be selected is named for chairman- 
tor that evening only. If the people approve they clap their 
hands and the chair takes his seat. He says, for instance, 
"To-night - lect condidates for congressman for this dis- 

trict. Thirteen names are offered, and in alphabetical order 

the first is the Rev. " The people then vote as described, 

and let us hope that when the reverend gentleman is weighed 
that he will not be found wanting. This estimate of character 
will make every intelligent citizen net up to his highest ideal, 



a'ncl as we will Lava "rotation in office " with short terms, it 
will give every one a chance. And to avoid partisanship, the 
largest number of available candidates should always be 
named. 

The fear of being "found wanting " will keep the number 
within reasonable limits. 

Having duly " weighed " the candidates, the names of the 
" heavy weights " are written on cards of one size, and 
put into a bag and shook up, and a girl, blind-folded, draws 
out one card. This operation is, of course, conducted under 
proper checks. Before the cards are put into the bag they 
are called out by name, and then submitted to the scrutiny of 
a number of citizens called to the platform for that purpose, 
and also to the scrutiny of the members of the press. 

With the card drawn, the same operation is repeated — 
simple business precautions. Now each hall has cut down the 
number of its candidhtes to one, and if any candidate has 
been named and indorsed by all the halls in a district, his 
name may possibly be drawn in three or four of them, so that 
at the utmost, no candidate would have more than that num- 
ber of chances in twenty even in the second drawing, and here 
is where we begin to bag our game. "Where now is the small 
man who says : " I have the means to be elected and I shall 
be ? " Where are his " means " now? .Go talk to the boys, 
little boy ; when you come of age, you may get a chance or 
two in a hundred, to get " elected ; " but you will have to 
modify your language somewhat — you must not talk too 
" loud." 

My readers anticipate the next step in the operation. 

Where shall the next drawing be made ? This is where 
we observe another rule in business. In order to oversee a 
large amount of business without too much personal labor, 
the chief or chiefs have all operations that can be delegated 
to their "help," with perfect safety, performed by them. In 
this way, superintending a large business may be made a 
pleasure, instead of a toil. 

In the present plan we will take advantage of the great 
modern inventions, the railroad, the telegraph, and the press, 
to make the citizen's superintendence over everything, in his 
official capacity, a pleasure instead of a toil. 

One or two of these great inventions have, of late years, 



become an instrument of oppression in the bands of a few, to 
extort unjust tribute from the people— and this gives me a 
chance to prove, or disprove, as my readers may decide, a 
little theory <>f my own, on an unimportant matter, as we go 

along- I have thought that the reason artists were not more 
often successful in money making was because they could not 
.concentrate their souls on mere money-getting, by hook ot by 
crook. 

Now. lure is the great chief of the " harons," the knight 
of the money bags, who has been called, in a convention of 
•The greatest genius in the country ! " If 
I can unhorse this doubty champion ami put him into his 
little l>ox — put him into his little box, along with a lot of 
other little chiefs ami bosses — where is his "genius" ? 

proceed : As soon as the card hearing the name of the 

ssful candidate is drawn, ami the name announced, and 

submitted to inspection as before, the work of the citizen is 

done. All further labor in that direction is done by their 

its, a work in which it is impossible for them to cheat or 

blunder. We will not attach bell-punches to the breasts of our 

rs and aldermen, but we will take the usual bus 
precautions. Now we take advantage of the institution of 
the press, which employs the railroad and the telegraph, and 
thus all communications between the people and their ser- 
vants can be carried on by the press automatically, without 
expense to the people, in their olhYial capacity. 

The press will get tin' names of the successful candidates 

in the different halls, and it will be the duty of legislatures at 

capitals to have the names of these candidates in each 

congressional district written on cards, and one drawn from 

- don.- in tie- halls, under like checks and 

SmOr then sends the successful Olie his 

certificate of election, which has not cost him a cent. This 
man a chance, but no amount of '-means" can 
capture an office. And Mr. Herbert Spencer will be. pleased 
to know that the " organization of professional politicians, 
altogether uncontemplated at the outset, which has become 
in la ■_ the ruling power,'' will trouble no more. 

ipation ot tin- politician, who serves one class that 
In- may rob another " is gon must go," and conven- 

tions of th letermine which of them shall 



10 

become "the ruler" of the country will be a thing of the 
past. Bye, bye, gentlemen, bye, bye. Get into your little 
boxes and wait for the other chiefs. 

To elect governors and State officers the same process is 
carried out, and for the election of Federal officers the num- 
ber is cut down to one at each State capital, and then reduced 
to one again at the Federal capital. 

And all officers, from the President down, are engaged 
with the understanding that if they don't suit, from any 
cause, at any time, they "must go." No impeaching or other 
humbug. If any citizen, in any hall, proposes to elect 
another president in place of the one then in office, and a 
majority of the halls, by Congressional districts throughout 
the country, decide in the same way, then he " must go." 

Now, this victory over the politicians is one that I did riot 
anticipate at first, and is due, first, to the habit begotten and 
strengthened by my specialty of thinking for myself. I cared 
not what methods had been adopted during thousands of 
years, it might be — the business plan — so simple, so easily 
comprehended, and so thoroughly tested, commended itself 
to my judgment as the proper remedy for Uncle Sam's 
disease, and I would follow it to its legitimate conclusion. 
The other cause is a compliment to the high sense of justice 
of the people, for it is in deference to their known considera- 
tion for even a dishonest or disobedient politician, that com- 
pelled me to elect him without making him spend his money 
to do it. 

Would this plan discourage a proper ambition ? I think 
not, for, in the first place, ability will make its mark anyhow ; 
and again, in my estimation, it is a much greater honor to be 
thought fit to be president of a republic, whose people will 
allow neither knave or fool to injure it, than to be "Imperial 
Caesar" over myriads of poor crawling slaves, who follow 
blind and selfish leaders into the ditch. " Col. Bob '' says : 
" the best leader is one who teaches the people how to lead 
themselves." 

To encourage an interest in public affairs, apart from 
the necessity of every interest making itself felt, or get over- 
looked, let the limit of all elective position be for two years, 
and no one to hold the office more than once. 

" Does every congressional district contain men who are 



11 

fitted to become president and all that?" I think so. There 
are the clergymen and other educated men in everj commu- 
nity, who are perfectly competent to till these positions. 
Their duties will be very light then. One who is capable of 
receiving foreign ministers and the like, in a few appropriate 
words of welcome, and other light duties, will do for presi- 
dent. 

The compositor who "sets up" these lines would very 
likely do for president, and he may be in time. In all impor- 
tant matter-, public officers will he instructed by the people. 

•• Sou are laying out a lot of work for the citizen?" No. 
Our machinery will do all the heavy work, automatically, the 
people will merely look on to see that it is done, say aye or 
no. for a few times in the course of half an hour of an evening, 
listen to a little musie. and "go;" and yet in this way they 
will remodel the world. 

Having now secured our "'help" on the usual business 
basis — that they must do as they are told or forfeit their posi- 
tion — we will proceed to secure such legislation as the majority 
may determine. 

G neral Sherman says: "The war was fought to decide 
whether or not the majority should rule," and we will con- 
sider that point settled. 

All measures for legislation will originate with the people; 
hut as 1 said before, the machinery will do the heavy work. 
The press will do the most of it in this case. 

As tie- time approaches for the sessions to begin, the press 
will naturally bring forward and discuss such measures as are 
needful. Thus, in great measure, the people will be prepared 
to decide at one.' whether any measure proposed is a fit 
measure for legislation. The halls, therefore, form committees 
on bills. Any citizen can propose any measure, and the chair- 
man will then take the ayes and noes whether, it is a proper 
one for. say, in the present case, national legislation 

If there is any doubt as to which side is in the majority, 
then the vote must he t iken by tin- machine, which has no 
doubts This decides whether the proposed measure shall 
have another chance, or In- dropped. 

The other halls, seeing what has been approved, may think 
tit to tab' it up. And if a majority of the halls in a congress- 
ional district indorse the proposed measure, then their repre- 



12 

sentative in Congress, who has been watching the newspapers 
for his instructions, drops into his part of the work and pre- 
pares a bill for introduction, submitting it first for inspection 
or correction to a legal bureau established for that purpose. 
He then prepares an address in favor of the bill if he 
approves of the measure himself, if he does not — for we coerce 
no man's conscience — he merely says that he is instructed by 
his constituents to introduce the bill. 

And in regard to the discussion on bills, I think that one 
speech in favor of and one in opposition to, is quite sufficient 
for any measure. For again, we have the press, with its staff 
of trained and able writers, who are accustomed to grasp the 
main points in any case and present them in a condensed and 
easily-digested shape to its readers, who, absorbing their 
opinions with their coffee, but always exercising their own 
judgment, are prepared to decide on any measure before the 
nation, State, or village — for the people themselves decide 
what measures in the different legislatures shall or shall not 
become laws, their servants merely acting as clerks, in that 
part of the business. 

The bill being introduced, it is numbered and put away for 
the present, and telegraph and press combine to inform the 
people throughout the country that bill has been intro- 
duced, and the press make their comments on it, as usual. 
Should the proposed measure conflict with the interests of 
any community, the member from that district will doubtless 
be notified by a majority of the halls, through the press, as 
usual — for he does nothing officially without this instruction 
— to oppose the measure in a speech, and if several members 
are thus directed to do so, let them select, by lot or other- 
wise, among themselves, which shall do it. If no speeches 
are desired to be made against the bill, then none are made. 

Thus prepared, the people decide whether their repre- 
sentatives shall vote for or against the measure, and as soon 
as each representative finds out by the press how he is to 
vote, he informs the speaker of the house or other proper 
person of that fact, and when this officer has been so informed 
by all the members, he orders a vote taken, and the fate of 

bill number is decided. If it passes, it becomes the law 

at the appointed time, it does not go before a second house, 
it requires neither approval nor veto by any man, and is at 



1 3 

constitutional. It has been passed by tin* voice of the 
people and the voioe of the people is the voice of God; and 
that Bettles it. If bund desirable, it ran be repealed at any 
time by the same power that made it. 

\- this point we find another great advantage in using the 
press as our medium of communication between the people 
and their servants besides the educational effects — for the 
publication of the will of the majority as expressed in their 
halls, makes the disobedience or dishonesty of representatives 
in voting, of no avail. If any of them should vote in opposi- 
tion to their instructions, it would only be accessary to call 
ttention of the presiding officer to the facts as recorded 
by the press, and he would cast or recast the vote. Where 
now is the man who said "all my constituents want me to 
- and 80, hut I wont." Bag him, wherever he is. And 
where is the great chieftain who used to buy up legislatures, 
and have laws made and unmade that he might rob more 
securely '? 

1 . his bribes purchase legislation now? (let into your 

box my little lad. along with the rest of the little chiefs and 

3S 3. L'li-- pirates will want a new chief now — a man of 

brains, say— or one who has a portion of his brains — a small 

portion at least — in front of his ears. 

It is not "genius,'' it is not brains, but the want of them, 
that fits one to become a successful land shark, as others 
me have discovered. To adapt the head of an artist 
t.> become a first-class pirate I would chop off his ideality, or 
imagination, his benevolence, and about three-fourths of his 
ptive faculties— form, size, color, etc. Tlieu I would 
irs forward about three inches to make room for 
. -hunk behind them — secretiveness or animal cunning, 
and would add another big lump in front of them, for acquisi- 
tiveness, or the money-getting faculty. Then, if I had any 
portable property about me. I would get out of his reach as 
- I raid. 
In this plan we get rid of two of the three "houses" 
_ _ d in Legislation. Three, did 1 Bay? Yea, and the 
••third house" (the lobby) is the most powerful of the three. 
The salaries saved by the abolition of the second house 
and of the sinecure positions throughout the country, with 
the abolition of the lobby, which makes the country paj 



14 

dearly for what it pays to politicians, would pay for the build- 
ing of these public halls every two years. Look at the ele- 
vated railroad affair in New York. The city taxed them 
some seven hundred thousand dollars ; but by placing one 
hundred thousand dollars in the hands of lobby agents at 
Albany, the law taxing them was repealed in the twinkling of 
an eye ; while the people of New York could not get a law 
passed in regard to cleaning their streets. See how many 
halls seven hundred thousand dollars would build, while the 
sinecure salary received by one elective officer here in New 
York, would maintain all the public halls in the city for a 
year. 

I think these halls should be built by the general- govern- 
ment, and could be used as schools where the inhabitants are 
now too poor to have the proper proportion of public schools. 

This is all that is necessary for a government by the 
people, for the people, and of the people — offices where they 
can meet, hire, and instruct their servants, and superintend 
their own affairs personally ; all experience proves that 
they must do this or their children will become " subjects " 
— not citizens. 

Mr. Herbert Spencer says : " Getting angry and changing 
' bosses ' amounts to nothing ; no permanent good is to be 
expected from it ; only a clear perception of the evil [notice — - 
the evil] and a steady and persistent fight for true republican 
principles can afford a remedy." If this means anything, it 
means that the people must not go to sleep, but keep up a 
" steady and persistent fight " for " simple republican prin- 
ciples." 

I saw that " changing bosses " amounted to nothing, and 
had arranged my plan before Mr. Spencer's arrival in the 
country, and I now offer it as the " remedy." I propose to 
let the " bosses go," and operate the government on " simple 
republican principles." And if we apply the rule that "they 
are governed best who are governed least," the plan speaks 
for itself. It does no violence to social interchange, nor need 
the business of the country halt for a moment, for fear that 
this party, or that administration may affect values. Instead 
of the crimes (including murder) that now attend elections, 
with their unhealthy excitements, a pleasant interest only will 
be excited to know whom the fates may select for certain posi- 



Lo 

ti«>ns ; and yet do citizen need lose an hour from his proper 
bnsinesa or recreations : for if he goes once a week it will be 
sufficient : personal interests will secure proper attendance al 
all times. 

Ls we require only one ••lions.." I have thought that 
senators would be the better nam i for our representatives in 
Nation and Stat.-, as representatives is a great mouthful of a 
word, and the other is more suggestive of heroic associations. 
Senators and aldermen would do. 

ka there will be no fuss or parade in the election of the 
president of the future, there should be none in his inaugu- 
ration. A company of cavalry, only, should escort him to the 
Capitol, with the general of the army, say, in the carriage 
with him. Ami inaugural addresses are entirely unnecessary, 
as the President will have no " policy*' to define. We owe the 
duty of example in these matters to the people of less fortu- 
nate nations, to discard all the humbug that " doth hedge a 
king- Let us have parades, and all proper recreations and 
plenty of them; hut let us learn to discriminate as to the 
occasions. 

When the president or other officer desires instruction 
from the citizens on any matter, when they are not in session, 
he informs the press at Washington, and the people convene, 
and direct him how to act in the usual manner. " Home 
rule," will be carried out by the people electing postmasters, 
and the like, in their own localities, as before described. 

This is the plan to which men who are in earnest have 
resorted when forced to act in their own defense against dis- 
criminating legislation. 

The wurkingmen nominated their own candidates, in their 
own halls, and made each one pledge himself : 

That I will strictly obey all instructions from this organi- 
zation concerning the preparation and introduction of proper, 
legislation; * * that I will promptly resign my position if 
a request to do so be passed by a two-thirds' vote of this 
organization/ 1 

The business plan yon see. 

Mr. Beecher quotes De Toqueville, and agrees with him 
that "the town hall will be the American remedy for al. i 
while the plan of selecting officers by lot was practiced by the 
old republics. It was introduced into the elections of the 



16 

Union League Club over two years ago, thus getting rid of 
machinery (the resort of the muddle heads), partisanship 
and jealousy. As it was an innovation, the reporter — of the 
Times — took the usual method of poking fun at it to avoid 
indorsing or condemning the idea, and as his description is 
a work of art in its way, I insert it : 

At this juncture, and while the large gentleman was sopping up the tears 
drawn by his own eloquence, a thin young member with a skye-terrier bang 
rose to a question of privilege. How did the honorable and large gentleman 
propose to remedy the evil ? What was done was done. There should be 
and could be no quarrel. There never had been a quarrel in the Union 
League Club over election matters, and it would be impossible now to start 
one. What did the large gentleman propose ? Here the thin young mem- 
ber asked the Secretary if he had a cigarette about his clothes, and being 
generously provided, sat clown. 

The large gentleman having dried his eyes and polished his head, 
advanced again to the front and resumed. 

There was only one remedy, he began, in a voice flute-like and seductive 
— there was only one way out of the monstrous labyrinth of error into which 
the club and alleged caucus and so-called committee had been led. It had cost 
him eleven sleepless nights to invent the scheme which he would now lay 
before them— a scheme so simple that a child could work it — but one into 
which no possibility of mistake could creep. [Applause.] Perhaps some 
of the more learned members had heard of an ancient Aztec ceremony called 
chuk-a-lok, and of a modern Louisiana religious institution called lottery. 
[Murmurs of assent from learned members all over the room.] Let a hat be 
borrowed ; let the names of twenty men, good and true, be placed therein 
by general consent — including those of the alleged committee nominated by 
the so-called caucus — and from this unknown mixture, after a mutual shak- 
ing up, let seven names be drawn, and let those seven be known as 
the proud choice of the Union League Club, freely and unanimously chosen. 
[Whirlwind of cheers and calls for the hat.] 

The hat of the large gentleman being then produced, twenty names were 
placed therein, and the thin young member with the skye-terrier bang 
was blindfolded with his own sunny locks and elected to draw. Joy 
expressed itself on every face, together with perfect confidence that the 
question was at last settled. 

The first name was drawn. It was that of a gentleman of enormous 
military renown, celebrated for sudden movements to the rear — as far, per- 
haps as Detroit — on occasions of legal emergency. It was received with 
delirious delight. 

The second proved to be that of another gentleman of renown, who was 
recently blackballed by a handsome majority in a down-town club. The 
enthusiasm was now tremendous. 

The third paper drawn bore the name of a member so distinguished and 
powerful that the entire club was recently compelled to sit on him to pre- 
vent him sacrifiog himself as a member of the Art Committee. When he 
was announced as drawn, the large gentleman fainted with joy and the club 
sang a Te Deum. 

The fourth showed up the name of a famous member of the old Fire 
Department. This also was received with cheers, which were continued 
until the list was complete. 

Now as resistance would be useless, and as the most hardened 
2)olitician has some little spark of patriotism in his bosom, 



17 

and would not relish the idea of his children becoming the 
"subjects" of Bome vulgar tyrant, I mil consider the thing 
done, and aotice one or two of the first general measures that 
should be adopted. The tirst should be in regard to the 
citizen of the future. He must be able to read the news- 
papers; consequently he must have compulsory education. 
Every man owes a duty to Ins children to put them on an 
equality with their fellows in this respect, and when misfor- 
tune overtakes the head of the family, then the State takes 
charge of the matter. After that we will try to give all the 
benefit of the great modern inventions, the railroad, the tele- 
graph, and other labor-saving machinery — the press we have 
utilized pretty well so far. 

No further monopolies to build railroads, telegraph lines, 
etc., will be granted until the people themselves decide that 
they art- necessary for the public good. And instead of having 
ght them, and those now established, Ave will go into 
partnership with them, and thus avoid the necessity of strikes 
and the consequent injury to business. The people are will- 
ing to do what is fair in everything, and it is on this sense of 
justice that we can safely build. The people are willing to 
pay a fair price to the railroad for hauling their supplies ; 
they are willing to pay the employees enough to live decently. 
and to allow the stockholders a fair interest on their invest- 
ment-, and that rixes the rates the people will have to pay for 
railroad and telegraphic work, and for tariff-protected goods, 
gas, kerosene oil, etc. 

That is tin- way we will go into partnership with corpora- 
tions, to whom we grant certain monopolies. And we will 
t them against unnecessary competition, for the people 
that all who work for them shall make a fair living or 
_■ • fair return for their capital. Thus the question of wages 
would settle itself, for it would be no advantage then for cor- 
porations to attempt to cut down wages below a decent living, 
nor would the people allow it, for just as soon as a man asks 
another to help him make money, because he cannot make it 
OUgh himself, just that moment the people step in and 
say : If you want this man to help you make money, then vou 
must pay him enough to get a decent living or stop. "With 
the labor-saving machinery now in use, the men of the United 
- could easily make enough by working five hours per 



day to support themselves and families in comfort and even 
elegance. 

The rate of wages and of interest being settled by public 
opinion, the corporations, under the guidance of commis- 
sioners, the public overlooking all, would then fix the rates 
for the year. And they should be allowed to add enough to 
the rates for the first year to accumulate a surplus fund, from 
which they could draw to make up for any loss of interest 
during a bad year. And any surplus from good years, or in 
fact, any surplus after that must be paid over to the govern- 
ment. 

Of course, commissioners would see that everything was 
operated to the best advantage. No sinecure position would 
be allowed any more than starvation wages. 

Stockholders would have to look out for that, as other- 
wise sinecures would have to come out of their interest. 

This would be as good a plan as that of having the gov- 
ernment regulate rates and guarantee a certain interest, as 
proposed by a leading " operator." 

There would be less " red tape," and it would be more 
elastic in every way. 

Manufacturers who are protected by a tariff, and corpora- 
tions who have prevented all competition by absorbing com- 
petitors, as gas works and oil companies, would be dealt with 
in the same way. They will be required to pay their employees 
a fair compensation, their stockholders a fair interest, and 
the balance after that must be paid over to the government of 
the nation, State, or city, as the case may be. That is the 
way we will settle the tariff question. We will go into part- 
nership with the manufacturers in this way and keep the 
money and the work in the countiy. Nor will we allow 
unnecessary competition, for it is better for every one in the 
country that six factories, say, should run twelve months in 
the year, than that twelve factories should run six months in 
the year. So, before new enterprises are started, requiring 
much manual labor, they will be submitted to the people to 
decide whether they are necessary. 

In like manner if four trunk lines are sufficient, and more 
than sufficient, to do all the railroad work. More than this 
can only be an injury to the country, instead of a benefit. 



Therefore all corporations Btarting for the purpose of selling 
out t<> competitors should be Bquashed. 

All disagreements about wages or interest will then be 
settled by arbitration, without stopping work or business; 

but either side may appeal to the people, and they will settle 
it in the usual manner: they being the '-head and front" of 
all things. 

Nor shall the better treatment of the dumb creatures who 
help us in our work, or BUpply us with food, be forgotten in 
tin- republic of the future. 

The Dii ine Mind shows usin the responsibility that parents 
feel for their children, that He must feel the same responsi- 
bility for the welfare of the creatures He places on the earth. 
Death is no injury to any creature, and while one animal 
preys upon another, it is yet seen that death is instant and 
painless to the victim. Man — civilized, religious man — " in 
form and movement how express and admirable, in apprehen- 
sion how like a god " is the only animal that tortures his 
prey before devouring them. 

In transporting animals from the "West to the slaughter- 
houses of the East, tortures and suffering are inflicted on 
them which the Superintendent of the Humane Society says, 
*• i- beyond the power of language to describe." 

Lately the plan of slaughtering at the "West and sending 
the dressed meat East, was put into operation, and gave good 
- ■ sfaction. But the railroad lords soon advanced the rates 
on dress, d meat t<> three or four times what it should be, 
until they have almost stopped the business. 

Thus one vice begets another, and avarice — the vice of lit- 
tle minds — adds to its accumulations by inflicting the most 
inconceivable Buffering on its fellow creatures ; and this is 
g"inu r on too, when some of the pious directors and presidents 
and stockholders are in church, asking for mercy from the 
Father of all. 

Where does the civilization come in? If the merciful man 
i- merciful to his beast, where does the American nation 
stand? — for this is the nation's disgrace ; the lunatics who have 
lost their heads by avarice, and regard the matter as a great 

stroke of business, are no more responsible for what they do 

than are the monkeys, who throw the little monkeys up the 

like Btones, to knock down the fruit. Huxley's good 



20 

taste would certainly be sustained if lie preferred a " respect- 
able monkey " for a grandfather, to some of our millionaires. 

The crime brings its own punishment, for the feverish heat 
of the poor animals acts like a poison on those who eat it. 

Can public opinion, operating on the politicians, accom- 
plish this little job, or must the suffering continue until the 
advent of the people stops it ? 

Then there is the horse. To see the unnecessary cruelty 
inflicted on this noble and beautiful animal, is enough to make 
one feel like committing suicide. 

But when the people rule, we will fix that. Any two citi- 
zens on seeing an exhibition of cruelty, will call a policeman, 
and the three will decide by the majority how much the per- 
son shall be fined, and it is done at once. The majority will 
also decide what charity will get the fine, and, through the 
medium of the press and two or three postal cards, all the 
actors in the affair will know that the fine will go where it- 
will do the most good. 

Thus the matter would cure itself, for when the cruel know 
that every eye is watching them — with power to punish — they 
will curb their passions. 

Let the people's rule begin, then, by abolishing tyranny 
and inhumanity in their own land, and then extend it through- 
out the world. 

Mr. Henry George, in " Progress and Poverty,'' says : 
" The civilized world is trembling on the verge of a great 
movement. Either it must be a leap upward, which will open 
the way to advances yet undreamed of, or it must be a plunge 
downward, which will carry us back towards barbarism." 

" Upward " is the word with us. 

Our bold leaders " must go " to the rear ; 
Our bold leaders " must go " to the rear ; 
Our bold leaders "must go " to the rear ; 
But the People go marching on. 

" Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
As we go marching on ! " 



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